在演講前多背幾篇奧巴馬經(jīng)典英文演講稿是非常有必要的，下面小編就分享奧巴馬經(jīng)典英文演講稿給你們，希望對(duì)你們有用。

　　奧巴馬經(jīng)典英文演講稿如下：

　　奧巴馬經(jīng)典英文演講稿1

　　Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)

　　大家好!謝謝你們。謝謝你們。謝謝你們大家。好，大家請(qǐng)就坐。你們今天都好嗎?(掌聲)蒂姆·斯派塞(Tim Spicer)好嗎?(掌聲)我現(xiàn)在與弗吉尼亞州阿靈頓郡韋克菲爾德高中的學(xué)生們?cè)谝黄?。美?guó)各地從小學(xué)預(yù)備班到中學(xué)12年級(jí)的學(xué)生正在收聽(tīng)收看。我很高興大家今天都能參與。我還要感謝韋克菲爾德高中出色的組織安排。請(qǐng)為你們自己熱烈鼓掌。(掌聲)

　　I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.

　　我知道，今天是你們很多人開(kāi)學(xué)的日子。對(duì)于進(jìn)入小學(xué)預(yù)備班、初中或高中的學(xué)生，今天是你們來(lái)到新學(xué)校的第一天，心里可能有點(diǎn)緊張，這是可以理解的。我能想象有些畢業(yè)班學(xué)生現(xiàn)在感覺(jué)很不錯(cuò)——(掌聲)——還有一年就畢業(yè)了。不論在哪個(gè)年級(jí)，你們有些人可能希望暑假更長(zhǎng)一點(diǎn)，今天早上還能多睡一小會(huì)兒。

　　I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the morning.

　　我了解這種感覺(jué)。我小時(shí)候，我們家生活在海外。我在印度尼西亞住了幾年。我媽媽沒(méi)有錢(qián)送我上其他美國(guó)孩子上的學(xué)校，但她認(rèn)為必須讓我接受美式教育。因此，她決定從周一到周五自己給我補(bǔ)課。不過(guò)她還要上班，所以只能在清晨四點(diǎn)半給我上課。

　　Now, as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Laughter.)

　　你們可以想見(jiàn)，我不太情愿那么早起床。有很多次，我趴在餐桌上就睡著了。但每當(dāng)我抱怨的時(shí)候，我媽媽都會(huì)那樣地看我一眼，然后說(shuō)：“小子，這對(duì)我也并不輕松?！?笑聲)

　　So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school year.

　　我知道你們有些人還在適應(yīng)開(kāi)學(xué)后的生活。但我今天來(lái)到這里是因?yàn)橛兄匾氖虑橐湍銈冋f(shuō)。我來(lái)這里是要和你們談?wù)勀銈兊慕逃龁?wèn)題，以及在這個(gè)新學(xué)年對(duì)你們所有人的期望。

　　Now, I’ve given a lot of speeches about education. And I’ve talked about responsibility a lot.

　　我做過(guò)很多次有關(guān)教育問(wèn)題的演講。我多次談到過(guò)責(zé)任問(wèn)題。

　　I’ve talked about teachers’ responsibility for inspiring students and pushing you to learn.

　　我談到過(guò)教師激勵(lì)學(xué)生并督促他們學(xué)習(xí)的責(zé)任。

　　I’ve talked about your parents’ responsibility for making sure you stay on track, and you get your homework done, and don’t spend every waking hour in front of the TV or with the Xbox.

　　我談到過(guò)家長(zhǎng)的責(zé)任，要確保你們走正路，完成家庭作業(yè)，不要整天坐在電視前或玩Xbox游戲。

　　I’ve talked a lot about your government’s responsibility for setting high standards, and supporting teachers and principals, and turning around schools that aren’t working, where students aren’t getting the opportunities that they deserve.

　　我多次談到過(guò)政府的責(zé)任，要制定高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，支持教師和校長(zhǎng)的工作，徹底改善不能為學(xué)生提供應(yīng)有機(jī)會(huì)的、教育質(zhì)量差的學(xué)校。

　　But at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.

　　然而，即使我們擁有最敬業(yè)的教師，最盡力的家長(zhǎng)和全世界最好的學(xué)校——如果你們大家不履行你們的責(zé)任，不到校上課，不專(zhuān)心聽(tīng)講，不聽(tīng)家長(zhǎng)、祖父祖母和其他大人的話(huà)，不付出取得成功所必須的勤奮努力，那么這一切都毫無(wú)用處，都無(wú)關(guān)緊要。這就是我今天講話(huà)的重點(diǎn)：你們每個(gè)人對(duì)自己的教育應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任。

　　I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you’re good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That’s the opportunity an education can provide.

　　我首先要講講你們對(duì)自己應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任。你們每個(gè)人都有自己的長(zhǎng)處。你們每個(gè)人都能做出自己的貢獻(xiàn)。你們對(duì)自己應(yīng)盡的責(zé)任是發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的能力所在。而教育能夠提供這樣的機(jī)會(huì)。

　　Maybe you could be a great writer -- maybe even good enough to write a book or articles in a newspaper -- but you might not know it until you write that English paper -- that English class paper that’s assigned to you. Maybe you could be an innovator or an inventor -- maybe even good enough to come up with the next iPhone or the new medicine or vaccine -- but you might not know it until you do your project for your science class. Maybe you could be a mayor or a senator or a Supreme Court justice -- but you might not know that until you join student government or the debate team.

　　你或許能成為一名出色的作家——甚至可能寫(xiě)書(shū)或在報(bào)紙上發(fā)表文章——但你可能要在完成那篇英文課的作文后才會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的才華。你或許能成為一名創(chuàng)新者或發(fā)明家——甚至可能設(shè)計(jì)出新一代iPhone或研制出新型藥物或疫苗——但你可能要在完成科學(xué)課的實(shí)驗(yàn)后才會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的才華。你或許能成為一名市長(zhǎng)或參議員或最高法院的大法官——但你可能要在參加學(xué)生會(huì)的工作或辯論隊(duì)后才會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)自己的才華。

　　奧巴馬經(jīng)典英文演講稿2

　　PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction. General Trainor, General Clarke, faculty and staff at West Point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army.

　　美國(guó)總統(tǒng)奧巴馬：謝謝！非常感謝！謝謝！謝謝卡斯蘭將軍的介紹！特雷納將軍、克拉克將軍、西點(diǎn)軍校的教職工們，你們一直以來(lái)都是這所令人自豪的學(xué)府的優(yōu)秀管理者，也是美國(guó)陸軍新晉軍官的杰出導(dǎo)師。

　　I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership -- General McHugh -- Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed who is here and a proud graduate of West Point himself. To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line.

　　我要向陸軍領(lǐng)導(dǎo)層表示感謝，包括陸軍部長(zhǎng)麥克休將軍以及參謀長(zhǎng)奧迪耶諾將軍，同時(shí)也要感謝到場(chǎng)的杰克-里德參議員，他是西點(diǎn)軍校引以為榮的畢業(yè)生之一。2014級(jí)的畢業(yè)生們，祝賀你們承接了西點(diǎn)軍魂的使命。

　　Among you is the first all-female command team: Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff. In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar, and Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three point line. (Laughter.)

　　在你們當(dāng)中，有美國(guó)首支女子指揮團(tuán)隊(duì)，包括艾琳-墨登和奧斯丁-波洛夫?？ɡ?格萊文展現(xiàn)了一位羅茲學(xué)者的風(fēng)采，而喬希-赫貝克則證明了西點(diǎn)的精準(zhǔn)度遠(yuǎn)在三分線(xiàn)之外。（笑聲）

　　To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point, as commander in chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. (Laughter, applause.)

　　全體學(xué)員們，請(qǐng)安心度過(guò)你們?cè)谖鼽c(diǎn)的最后時(shí)光，我以最高統(tǒng)帥的名義在此赦免所有因犯輕罪而關(guān)禁閉的學(xué)員。（笑聲、掌聲）

　　Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school.

　　容我說(shuō)一句，我當(dāng)學(xué)生的時(shí)候，可從未有人這么做過(guò)。

　　I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran, and I would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families. (Applause.)

　　我知道，你們和我一樣都要向自己的家人表示感謝。喬-狄摩斯是本屆畢業(yè)生詹姆斯的父親，他給我來(lái)信講訴你們所作出的犧牲，也道出了許多父母的心聲。他寫(xiě)道：“在我們的內(nèi)心深處，我們?yōu)樗麄兞⒅緢?bào)效國(guó)家而感到無(wú)比自豪。”和多位畢業(yè)生一樣，詹姆斯也是位戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)老兵。我請(qǐng)今天在座的各位起立，向我們當(dāng)中的老兵，也向250多萬(wàn)曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的美國(guó)人及其家屬致敬。（掌聲）

　　It is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who’ve sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day. You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan. (Cheers, applause.)

　　這是繼數(shù)天前陣亡將士紀(jì)念日后的又一個(gè)極有意義的時(shí)刻，讓美國(guó)人民得以回想那些為我們的自由作出巨大犧牲的英雄。你們將是自911恐怖襲擊以來(lái)，第一屆不會(huì)被派到伊拉克或阿富汗參戰(zhàn)的畢業(yè)生。（歡呼聲、掌聲）

　　When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq. We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan. Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-Qaida’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

　　2009年，我首次在西點(diǎn)發(fā)表演講時(shí)，我們?nèi)杂?0萬(wàn)多名士兵駐扎在伊拉克，也正準(zhǔn)備增兵阿富汗。而我們的反恐重心則是基地組織的核心頭目——正是他們發(fā)動(dòng)了911恐怖襲擊。此外，我們的國(guó)家正開(kāi)始一段擺脫大蕭條以來(lái)最嚴(yán)重經(jīng)濟(jì)危機(jī)的漫長(zhǎng)歷程。

　　Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. We have removed our troops from Iraq. We are winding down our war in Afghanistan. Al-Qaida’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more. (Cheers, applause.) And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.

　　四年半以后，就在你們畢業(yè)之際，情況已發(fā)生了轉(zhuǎn)變。我們已從伊拉克撤軍，正逐步結(jié)束阿富汗的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。潛伏在巴基斯坦和阿富汗邊境地區(qū)的基地組織頭目已被斬草除根，而奧薩馬-本-拉登也早已命喪黃泉。（歡呼聲、掌聲）在經(jīng)歷了這一切之后，我們又將關(guān)注重心調(diào)整到美國(guó)實(shí)力的重要源頭上來(lái)，這個(gè)源頭就是不斷發(fā)展的經(jīng)濟(jì)，為每一個(gè)愿意努力工作并愿意承擔(dān)起家國(guó)責(zé)任的人提供機(jī)會(huì)。

　　In fact, by most measures America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. Those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that America is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics.

　　事實(shí)上，與世界上其他國(guó)家相比，美國(guó)在很多方面都處于強(qiáng)勢(shì)地位。有些人持不同觀(guān)點(diǎn)，他們認(rèn)為美國(guó)正在衰弱或正失去世界的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位，這些人不是對(duì)歷史存在誤讀，就是陷入了黨派政治的泥潭。

　　Think about it. Our military has no peer. The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low, and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War. Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth, our businesses the most innovative. Each year, we grow more energy independent. From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations.

　　你們想一想，我們的軍隊(duì)天下無(wú)敵，任何國(guó)家對(duì)我們構(gòu)成直接威脅的幾率極小，而且與我們?cè)诶鋺?zhàn)時(shí)期所面臨的危險(xiǎn)相差甚遠(yuǎn)。同時(shí)，我們的經(jīng)濟(jì)活力仍居世界第一，企業(yè)的創(chuàng)新性也名列前茅。我們的能源獨(dú)立性都在逐年增強(qiáng)。從歐洲到亞洲，我們是各國(guó)有史以來(lái)無(wú)人能敵的聯(lián)盟軸心。

　　America continues to attract striving immigrants. The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is America that the world looks to for help. (Applause.) So the United States is and remains the one indispensable nation. That has been true for the century past, and it will be true for the century to come.

　　Russia’s aggression towards former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.

　　不久前，俄羅斯派兵入侵前蘇聯(lián)加盟共和國(guó)——烏克蘭，這一軍事動(dòng)作牽動(dòng)歐洲各國(guó)神經(jīng)，與此同時(shí)，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)崛起及其軍事走向則引發(fā)鄰國(guó)擔(dān)憂(yōu)。

　　From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts, failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago.

　　從巴西到印度，新興中產(chǎn)階級(jí)在與我們展開(kāi)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，此外，各國(guó)謀求在國(guó)際事務(wù)中爭(zhēng)取更多話(huà)語(yǔ)權(quán)。盡管發(fā)展中國(guó)家擁護(hù)民主、認(rèn)同市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)，但全天候新聞以及社交媒體報(bào)道使得人們無(wú)法對(duì)接連發(fā)生在這些國(guó)家的派系沖突、國(guó)家衰敗與民眾暴動(dòng)等事件視而不見(jiàn)。然而，這些對(duì)于上一代人而言，只能引來(lái)他們的“側(cè)目”罷了。

　　It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead but how we will lead, not just to secure our peace and prosperity but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe.

　　如何能在新形勢(shì)下有所作為的重?fù)?dān)就要落在你們這一代的肩上了。擺在我們面前的問(wèn)題，不是美國(guó)是否處在領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位，而是她將如何引領(lǐng)各國(guó)；不只是美國(guó)能否實(shí)現(xiàn)繁榮發(fā)展，而是她如何能在全球范圍內(nèi)“播撒”和平與繁榮的“種子”，而這也是你們將來(lái)要面對(duì)的問(wèn)題。

　　Now, this question isn’t new. At least since George Washington served as commander in chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic well-being.

　　這個(gè)問(wèn)題并非新鮮。至少，自喬治-華盛頓就任總司令——即美國(guó)爆發(fā)獨(dú)立戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)以來(lái)，就存在一些警告的聲音，表示反對(duì)美國(guó)卷入與本國(guó)國(guó)家安全或經(jīng)濟(jì)福祉無(wú)直接關(guān)聯(lián)的外部紛爭(zhēng)之中。

　　Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve. And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans.

　　現(xiàn)在，那些自詡為現(xiàn)實(shí)主義者的人認(rèn)為，美國(guó)無(wú)需理會(huì)發(fā)生在敘利亞、烏克蘭，以及中非共和國(guó)的沖突。的確，在經(jīng)受了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)以及來(lái)自國(guó)內(nèi)的多重挑戰(zhàn)之后，這種觀(guān)點(diǎn)為許多美國(guó)人所認(rèn)同，這并不意外。

　　A different view, from interventionists from the left and right, says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril, that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to act in the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.

　　然而，干涉主義者對(duì)此持不同觀(guān)點(diǎn)。他們認(rèn)為，無(wú)視這些沖突最終會(huì)危及我們自身，美國(guó)在全球充當(dāng)“世界警察”角色的意愿能 夠最徹底地保衛(wèi)世界安全，使其免于陷入混亂。而若美國(guó)對(duì)敘利亞的暴亂或俄羅斯的挑釁撒手不管、無(wú)所作為的話(huà)，那么這不僅違背我們的良心，也會(huì)使得這些行徑 在未來(lái)愈演愈烈。

　　And each side can point to history to support its claims, but I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. It is absolutely true that in the 21st century, American isolationism is not an option. We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to American citizens.

　　盡管雙方的觀(guān)點(diǎn)從歷史角度看都成立，但我認(rèn)為他們并沒(méi)有充分反映當(dāng)前形勢(shì)下的需求。顯然，對(duì)21世紀(jì)的美國(guó)而言，孤 立主義行不通。我們無(wú)法對(duì)發(fā)生在世界其他地區(qū)的事情漠然視之。例如，如果核燃料不安全，那么它就會(huì)威及美國(guó)人民的生命。

　　As the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases. Regional aggression that goes unchecked, whether in southern Ukraine or the South China Sea or anywhere else in the world, will ultimately impact our allies, and could draw in our military. We can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries.

　　隨著敘利亞內(nèi)戰(zhàn)戰(zhàn)火跨越邊境，受戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)洗禮的極端組織攻擊美國(guó)的能力也在增強(qiáng)。地區(qū)沖突接踵而至，無(wú)論是在烏克蘭南部地區(qū)、南海亦或是世界其他地方，如果我們對(duì)此坐視不管，最終這將危及美國(guó)盟友的利益，美軍也會(huì)卷入其中。因此，我們必須時(shí)刻關(guān)注外界事態(tài)。

　　And beyond these narrow rationales, I believe we have a real stake -- abiding self-interest -- in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped; where individuals aren’t slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief.

　　此外，跳出這些狹隘的理論框架來(lái)看，我認(rèn)為大家還存在著一個(gè)真正的共同關(guān)切——持久的個(gè)人利益，那就是要始終確保我們的子孫后代成長(zhǎng)在這樣一個(gè)世界當(dāng)中，在那里，人們不會(huì)因?yàn)榉N族、信仰或政治理念的迥異而劫持女學(xué)生或?yàn)E殺無(wú)辜。

　　I believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative; it also helps keep us safe.

　　我認(rèn)為，建設(shè)一個(gè)更加自由及包容的世界不僅在道德上勢(shì)在必行，而且有助于維護(hù)我們自身安全。

　　But to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. Since World War II, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences, without building international support and legitimacy for our action, without leveling with the American people about the sacrifices required. Tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. As General Eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947, “War is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.”

　　盡管我們有意向在全球倡導(dǎo)和平與自由，但這并不意味著我們要借助軍事手段來(lái)解決每個(gè)問(wèn)題。二戰(zhàn)結(jié)束以來(lái)，我們所犯的那些嚴(yán)重的錯(cuò)誤，皆源自我們傾向于以訴諸武力的方式來(lái)解決問(wèn)題，而對(duì)后果考慮不周、缺乏國(guó)際支持及法律支持，也沒(méi)有向美國(guó)人民交代他們需要作出的犧牲，以使他們心中有數(shù)。雖然強(qiáng)硬的表態(tài)時(shí)常占據(jù)報(bào)紙頭條，但戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)卻很少與口號(hào)“步調(diào)一致”。正如對(duì)這個(gè)問(wèn)題深有體會(huì)的艾森豪威爾將軍（General Eisenhower），于1947年在西點(diǎn)軍校畢業(yè)典禮上所說(shuō)的那樣：“戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)是人類(lèi)最悲慘、最愚笨的蠢行，無(wú)論是蓄意挑起戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，還是為其獻(xiàn)計(jì)獻(xiàn)策，這都是對(duì)全人類(lèi)犯下的滔天罪行。”

　　Like Eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at West Point. Four of the service members who stood in the audience when I announced the surge of our forces in Afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. A lot more were wounded.

　　與他一樣，這一代的軍人——無(wú)論男女，都對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)理解深刻。這其中也包括了你們西點(diǎn)畢業(yè)生。在我宣布增兵阿富汗時(shí)，聽(tīng)眾當(dāng)中的4名服役人員后來(lái)就在那里壯烈犧牲。此外，還有許多西點(diǎn)士兵受傷。

　　I believe America’s security demanded those deployments. But I am haunted by those deaths. I am haunted by those wounds. And I would betray my duty to you, and to the country we love, if I sent you into harm’s way simply because I saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because I was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for America to avoid looking weak.

　　我認(rèn)為，出于維護(hù)美國(guó)國(guó)家安全的考慮，這些軍事部署是很有必要的。但是，這些傷亡者的英魂和傷痛一直縈繞在我的腦海、令我難安。如果我將你們派上戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)，僅僅是因?yàn)槭澜缒车爻霈F(xiàn)問(wèn)題需要處理，或是擔(dān)心批評(píng)家會(huì)將軍事不作為視作是美國(guó)軟弱的表現(xiàn)，那么，我就違背了自己對(duì)你們、對(duì)這個(gè)我們所愛(ài)國(guó)家的職責(zé)了。

　　Here’s my bottom line: America must always lead on the world stage. If we don’t, no one else will. The military that you have joined is, and always will be, the backbone of that leadership. But U.S. military action cannot be the only -- or even primary -- component of our leadership in every instance. Just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail.

　　我的底線(xiàn)是：美國(guó)必須在世界范圍保持領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力。如果我們不能，沒(méi)人能。你們所加入的美軍，永遠(yuǎn)都是美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界的中堅(jiān)力量。但是美國(guó)的軍事行動(dòng)不是我們展現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力的唯一方式，更不是主要部分。因?yàn)殡m然我們有最好的錘子(美軍)，但并不意味著每個(gè)問(wèn)題都是釘子。

　　And because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader -- and especially your commander in chief -- to be clear about how that awesome power should be used. So let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the United States of America, and our military, should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership.

　　因?yàn)檐娛滦袆?dòng)代價(jià)極大，所以你們應(yīng)該期望每個(gè)平民領(lǐng)袖——尤其是你們的總司令——清楚如何使用這一令人生畏的力量。所以，讓我用剩下的時(shí)間來(lái)描述一下我的想法：關(guān)于美國(guó)和美軍在未來(lái)幾年應(yīng)怎樣領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界，而你們將會(huì)成為領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界力量的一部分。

　　First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at the outset of my presidency: The United States will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when our people are threatened; when our livelihoods are at stake; when the security of our allies is in danger.

　　首先，讓我重申一下我在就任總統(tǒng)時(shí)提出的原則：當(dāng)我們的核心利益需要的時(shí)候——我們的人民受到威脅、生計(jì)受到威脅、盟友的安全處于危險(xiǎn)之中——如果有必要，美國(guó)將單方面使用軍事力量。

　　In these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions areproportional and effective and just. International opinion matters, but America should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland or our way of life. (Applause.)

　　當(dāng)然在這些情況下，我們?nèi)匀恍枰獟行淖詥?wèn)，我們的行動(dòng)是否合適有效公正。雖然國(guó)際輿論很重要，但是在保護(hù)我們的人民、祖國(guó)和生活方式這些問(wèn)題上，美國(guó)不需要得到別人的許可。(掌聲)

　　On the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake, when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us, then the threshold for military action must be higher. In such circumstances, we should not go it alone. Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. We have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development, sanctions and isolation, appeals to international law, and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes.

　　另一方面，當(dāng)引起世界關(guān)注但沒(méi)有直接威脅到美國(guó)利益的危機(jī)產(chǎn)生時(shí)，當(dāng)這些問(wèn)題亟待解決時(shí)，當(dāng)能觸動(dòng)我們的良心或推動(dòng)世界向更危險(xiǎn)的方向發(fā)展但不對(duì)美國(guó)構(gòu)成直接威脅的危機(jī)出現(xiàn)時(shí)，我們更不能輕易采取軍事行動(dòng)。在這種情況下，我們不應(yīng)該單打獨(dú)斗。相反，我們必須動(dòng)員盟友和合作伙伴采取集體行動(dòng)。我們應(yīng)該廣泛使用各種手段，包括外交和發(fā)展、制裁和孤立、訴諸于國(guó)際法，甚至在必要情況下采取多邊軍事行動(dòng)。在這些情況下，我們必須與其他國(guó)家合作，因?yàn)榧w行動(dòng)更容易成功，持續(xù)性強(qiáng)，還可以減少代價(jià)慘痛的錯(cuò)誤?！?/p>

　　This leads to my second point. For the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to America, at home and abroad, remains terrorism, but a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naive and unsustainable. I believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy, drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold.

　　這引出了我的第二個(gè)觀(guān)點(diǎn)。在可預(yù)見(jiàn)的未來(lái)，不管?chē)?guó)內(nèi)還是國(guó)外，對(duì)美國(guó)最直接的威脅仍是恐怖主義。但是，那種對(duì)每個(gè)包庇恐怖主義組織的國(guó)家都采取進(jìn)攻手段的戰(zhàn)略未免過(guò)于天真，也不可能長(zhǎng)期進(jìn)行。我認(rèn)為，我們必須從伊拉克和阿富汗問(wèn)題上汲取經(jīng)驗(yàn)和教訓(xùn)，將美國(guó)打擊恐怖主義的戰(zhàn)略轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榕c那些國(guó)內(nèi)有恐怖組織基地的國(guó)家進(jìn)行有效的伙伴合作。

　　And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comes from a centralized al-Qaida leadership. Instead it comes from decentralized al-Qaida affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in the countries where they operate. And this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of U.S. personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi. It heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi. So we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat, one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin or stir up local resentments.

　　并且，對(duì)新戰(zhàn)略的需求反映出一個(gè)事實(shí)：今天我們主要的威脅不再是來(lái)自于基地組織的集中領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，而是來(lái)自分散的 “基地”組織分支機(jī)構(gòu)和極端分子，其中很多都在他們從事活動(dòng)的國(guó)家內(nèi)進(jìn)行活動(dòng)。雖然這種情況降低了美國(guó)本土遭受大規(guī)模911式襲擊的可能性，但是就像我們 在班加西（Benghazi）看到的那樣，這會(huì)增加美國(guó)海外人員遇險(xiǎn)的可能性。就像我們?cè)趦?nèi)羅畢（Nairobi）購(gòu)物商場(chǎng)看到的那樣，這還會(huì)增加防備薄 弱目標(biāo)遇險(xiǎn)的可能性。因此，我們需要制定戰(zhàn)略應(yīng)對(duì)這種傳播式的威脅，這一戰(zhàn)略必須能夠在不派遣軍隊(duì)、避免戰(zhàn)線(xiàn)過(guò)長(zhǎng)、避免引發(fā)當(dāng)?shù)夭粷M(mǎn)情緒的前提下擴(kuò)大我們 的影響力。

　　We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. And empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in Afghanistan. Together with our allies, America struck huge blows against al-Qaida core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country.

　　Now -- (applause) -- that was an enormous achievement made because of America’s armed forces. But as we move to a train and advise mission in Afghanistan, our reduced presence there allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the Middle East and North Africa. So earlier this year I asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from South Asia to the Sahel.

　　現(xiàn)在——(掌聲)——這就是美軍取得的巨大成就。但是當(dāng)我們?cè)诎⒏缓沟氖姑D(zhuǎn)向訓(xùn)練和顧問(wèn)時(shí)，我們減少駐軍以后可以更有效地應(yīng)對(duì)中東和北非新出現(xiàn)的威脅。因此在今年早些時(shí)候，我讓國(guó)家安全事務(wù)部門(mén)就南亞和薩赫勒地區(qū)的合作伙伴關(guān)系網(wǎng)制定了一個(gè)計(jì)劃。

　　Today, as part of this effort

, I am calling on Congress to support a new counterterrorism partnerships fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity and facilitate partner countries on the front lines. And these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in Yemen who’ve gone on the offensive against al-Qaida, supporting a multinational force to keep the peace in Somalia, working with European allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol in Libya and facilitating French operations in Mali.

　　今天，作為我們行動(dòng)的一部分，我呼吁國(guó)會(huì)支持通過(guò)數(shù)額為50億美元的新反恐合作基金，以幫助我們的同盟伙伴訓(xùn)練軍隊(duì)、提升能力、支援他們的前線(xiàn)。這些資金也讓我們又更大的自由度完成各項(xiàng)任務(wù)。這些任務(wù)包括：為打擊基地組織的也門(mén)政府訓(xùn)練安全部隊(duì)以支持多國(guó)部隊(duì)維護(hù)索馬里地區(qū)和平，同歐洲盟友一起在利比亞訓(xùn)練出合格的安全部隊(duì)和邊防軍，以及協(xié)助法國(guó)在馬里的行動(dòng)。

　　A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in Syria. As frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers there, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon. As president, I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle of this increasingly sectarian civil war, and I believe that is the right decision. But that does not mean we shouldn’t help the Syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people. And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their own future, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in the chaos.

　　我們努力的重中之重是敘利亞危機(jī)。令人沮喪的是，解決這一危機(jī)沒(méi)有捷徑。軍事行動(dòng)不能立馬消除當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣竦纳钪貫?zāi)難。作為總統(tǒng)，我決定不派遣軍隊(duì)卷入這場(chǎng)愈演愈烈的宗派內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。我相信這是一個(gè)正確的決定。但是這并不意味著我們不去幫助敘利亞人民奮起反抗，反對(duì)殺害自己人民、讓人民挨餓的獨(dú)裁者。我們協(xié)助那些為了敘利亞人民能選擇自己未來(lái)而奮斗的人，同時(shí)也積極打擊在越來(lái)越多混亂之中找到避風(fēng)港的極端分子。

　　So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support Syria’s neighbors -- Jordan and Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq -- as they contend with refugees and confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders. I will work with Congress to ramp up support for those in the Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutal dictators. And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in Europe and the Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis and to make sure that those countries and not just the United States are contributing their fair share of support to the Syrian people.

　　There are times when those actions are necessary and we cannot hesitate to protect our people. But as I said last year, in taking direct action, we must uphold standards that reflect our values. That means taking strikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where there is no certainty -- there is near certainty of no civilian casualties, for our actions should meet a simple test: We must not create more enemies than we take off the battlefield.

　　有時(shí)我們必須馬上采取行動(dòng)，因?yàn)槲覀冊(cè)诒Ｗo(hù)國(guó)民方面決不能有半點(diǎn)猶豫。但就像我去年說(shuō)的，采取直接行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們也要堅(jiān)守我們的價(jià)值觀(guān)。這就意味著只有我們面臨持續(xù)的或是眼前的威脅才會(huì)進(jìn)行打擊。在沒(méi)有把握的時(shí)候，即便我們幾乎能避免平民傷亡，我們的行動(dòng)也必須達(dá)到一個(gè)簡(jiǎn)單的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，那就是我們不能為了在戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上擊斃敵人而樹(shù)立更多的敵人。

　　I also believe we must be more transparent about both the basis of our counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carried out. We have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikes or training partners. I will increasingly turn to our military to take the lead and provide information to the public about our efforts. Our intelligence community has done outstanding work and we have to continue to protect sources and methods, but when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we face terrorist propaganda and international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with our partners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government.

　　And this issue of transparency is directly relevant to a third aspect of American leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen and enforce international order.

　　公開(kāi)透明直接與美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的第三個(gè)方面相關(guān)，也就是我們強(qiáng)化國(guó)際秩序的努力。

　　After World War II, America had the wisdom to shape institutions to keep the peace and support human progress -- from NATO and the United Nations, to the World Bank and IMF. These institutions are not perfect, but they have been a force multiplier. They reduce the need for unilateral American action and increase restraint among other nations.

　　二戰(zhàn)之后，美國(guó)高瞻遠(yuǎn)矚，設(shè)立了從北約、聯(lián)合國(guó)到世界銀行、國(guó)際貨幣組織一系列機(jī)構(gòu)來(lái)維護(hù)人類(lèi)和平、支持人類(lèi)進(jìn)步。這 些機(jī)構(gòu)并不完美，但是他們將我們的力量放大了數(shù)倍。他們減少美國(guó)進(jìn)行單邊行動(dòng)的需要，同時(shí)也增強(qiáng)了其他國(guó)家之間的制約能力。

　　Now, just as the world has changed, this architecture must change as well. At the height of the Cold War, President Kennedy spoke about the need for a peace based upon a gradual evolution in human institutions. And evolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must be a critical part of American leadership.

　　現(xiàn)在，世界已經(jīng)歷巨變，這一框架也需改變。冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)，肯尼迪總統(tǒng)曾談到對(duì)于以人類(lèi)機(jī)構(gòu)逐漸改善為基礎(chǔ)的和平的需要。對(duì)這些機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行改進(jìn)以達(dá)到今天的需求，是美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)地位的重要一環(huán)。

　　Now, there are a lot of folks, a lot of skeptics who often downplay the effectiveness of multilateral action. For them, working through international institutions, like the U.N. or respecting international law, is a sign of weakness. I think they’re wrong. Let me offer just two examples why.

　　現(xiàn)在有許多人，也有許多質(zhì)疑者經(jīng)常貶低多邊行動(dòng)的有效性。對(duì)于他們而言，通過(guò)聯(lián)合國(guó)這類(lèi)的多邊機(jī)構(gòu)進(jìn)行合作或者是尊重多邊規(guī)則，是一種懦弱的表現(xiàn)。我認(rèn)為他們錯(cuò)了。讓我舉兩個(gè)例子來(lái)加以說(shuō)明吧。

　　In Ukraine, Russia’s recent actions recall the days when Soviet tanks rolled into Eastern Europe. But this isn’t the Cold War. Our ability to shape world opinion helped isolate Russia right away. Because of American leadership, the world immediately condemned Russian actions, Europe and the G-7 joined with us to impose sanctions, NATO reinforced our commitment to Eastern European allies, the IMF is helping to stabilize Ukraine’s economy, OSCE monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstable parts of Ukraine.

　　俄羅斯最近在烏克蘭的舉動(dòng)令我想起了蘇聯(lián)大批坦克開(kāi)進(jìn)東歐的情形。但是現(xiàn)在不是冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期。我們制造的國(guó)際輿論讓俄羅斯在短時(shí)間內(nèi)就被孤立。在美國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下，國(guó)際社會(huì)馬上譴責(zé)俄羅斯的舉動(dòng)，歐洲和七國(guó)集團(tuán)同我們一樣對(duì)其實(shí)施制裁，北大西洋公約組織恪守我們對(duì)東盟的承諾，國(guó)際貨幣基金組織正在幫助穩(wěn)定烏克蘭的經(jīng)濟(jì)，歐洲安全和合作組織也在關(guān)注烏克蘭不穩(wěn)定地區(qū)的發(fā)展。

　　And this mobilization of world opinion and international institutions served as a counterweight to Russian propaganda and Russian troops on the border and armed militias in ski masks.

　　世界觀(guān)點(diǎn)和國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)立場(chǎng)的轉(zhuǎn)變，可與俄羅斯的宣傳、其邊境的軍隊(duì)以及全副武裝的士兵相抗衡。

　　This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions. Yesterday, I spoke to their next president. We don’t know how the situation will play out, and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our allies on behalf of international order, working with international institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people to choose their future -- without us firing a shot.

　　這周末，數(shù)百萬(wàn)的烏克蘭公民會(huì)進(jìn)行民主投票。昨天，我同他們下一屆的總統(tǒng)進(jìn)行了會(huì)談。我們不知道情況會(huì)如何演變，前方也仍存在巨大的挑戰(zhàn)，但是為了維護(hù)國(guó)際秩序，同我們的盟友一起，與國(guó)際組織進(jìn)行合作，這給了烏克蘭人民一個(gè)選擇他們未來(lái)的機(jī)會(huì)一一這并不需要費(fèi)一槍一彈。

　　Similarly, despite frequent warnings from the United States and Israel and others, the Iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years. But at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposed sanctions on the Iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to the Iranian government. And now we have an opportunity to resolve our differences peacefully. The odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. But for the first time in a decade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement, one that is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through the use of force. And throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness to work through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side.

　　類(lèi)似的是，盡管美國(guó)、以色列及其他國(guó)家不斷地對(duì)伊朗發(fā)出警告，伊朗核計(jì)劃仍持續(xù)進(jìn)行了好幾年。在我擔(dān)任總統(tǒng)職務(wù)初期，我們聯(lián)合對(duì)伊朗的經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)行了制裁，但同時(shí)也幫助伊朗政府進(jìn)行民主建設(shè)?，F(xiàn)在我們有機(jī)會(huì)和平地解決我們的分歧。成功之路還十分漫長(zhǎng)，我們要保留阻止伊朗獲得核武器的各種手段。十年來(lái)我們第一次真正有機(jī)會(huì)達(dá)成一項(xiàng)突破性的協(xié)定，這比我們用武力達(dá)成協(xié)定來(lái)得更有效，效果也更持久。通過(guò)這些磋商，我們?cè)敢馔ㄟ^(guò)多邊途徑讓世界各國(guó)站在我們這一邊。

　　The point is, this is American leadership. This is American strength.

　　重點(diǎn)是，這是在美國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)下進(jìn)行的。這是美國(guó)力量所在。

　　In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading.

　　對(duì)于不同的事件，我們會(huì)建立不同的聯(lián)盟以應(yīng)對(duì)不同的挑戰(zhàn)。現(xiàn)在我們需要做更多來(lái)加強(qiáng)這些機(jī)構(gòu)預(yù)測(cè)和預(yù)防問(wèn)題擴(kuò)散的能力。

　　For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known but we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions both within Europe, where our eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders, where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners.

　　比如，眾所周知，北大西洋公約組織是世界上最強(qiáng)大的聯(lián)盟之一，但是我們現(xiàn)在同它進(jìn)行合作，以應(yīng)對(duì)其在歐洲內(nèi)部和其他 地區(qū)的新任務(wù)。在歐洲內(nèi)部，我們的東部盟國(guó)必須獲得保護(hù)。而在其他地區(qū)，我們北大西洋公約組織的盟國(guó)也必須有效地進(jìn)行反恐活動(dòng)，幫助失利的國(guó)家并培養(yǎng)我們 的伙伴國(guó)。

　　Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. Now, we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way to lead. (Applause.)

　　同樣地，聯(lián)合國(guó)提供了一個(gè)平臺(tái)，以維護(hù)那些因沖突而分裂的國(guó)家的和平?，F(xiàn)在，我們需要確保那些提供了維和人員的 國(guó)家已接受了訓(xùn)練，配齊了裝備，能夠真正維護(hù)和平，這樣我們就能防止我們?cè)趧偣吞K丹看到的那種殺戮。我們會(huì)加大對(duì)這些支持維和行動(dòng)國(guó)家的投資。因?yàn)榱钇?他國(guó)家用自己的力量維持自己地盤(pán)的秩序，可以減少我們使用武力造成傷害的必要性。這是智慧的投資。這也是我們正確的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)之路。（掌聲雷動(dòng)）

　　Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyberattacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea, and we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law.

　　但是要記住，不是所有的國(guó)際準(zhǔn)則都與軍事沖突直接相關(guān)。我們面臨著網(wǎng)絡(luò)黑客攻擊問(wèn)題，這也是我們致力于實(shí)施和加強(qiáng)在網(wǎng)絡(luò)中的行 為準(zhǔn)則，以保護(hù)我們的互聯(lián)網(wǎng)和我們的公民的原因。在亞太地區(qū)，我們支持東南亞國(guó)家同中國(guó)協(xié)商在中國(guó)南海海事糾紛中的行為準(zhǔn)則，同時(shí)我們也支持通過(guò)國(guó)際法解 決這些糾紛。

　　That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change, a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters, and conflicts over water and food, which is why, next year, I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet.

　　我們需要用合作的精神激勵(lì)全球努力應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化，這是一個(gè)日益嚴(yán)重的國(guó)家安全危機(jī)，決定你們從軍期間的整體形勢(shì)。我們要 應(yīng)對(duì)難民流動(dòng)、自然災(zāi)害，水資源和食物的問(wèn)題。這也是我下一年計(jì)劃確保美國(guó)能夠帶頭建立一個(gè)保護(hù)我們星球的全球框架的原因。

　　You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We cannot exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everyone else. We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it is taking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by the United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership. That’s retreat. That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy.

　　大家知道，但凡美國(guó)以身說(shuō)法，實(shí)現(xiàn)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，美國(guó)的影響力就會(huì)加大。大家都普遍遵循的規(guī)則，我們不能不遵守；如果我們多數(shù) 領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人否認(rèn)氣候變化這一事實(shí)，我們也就無(wú)法號(hào)召大家齊心協(xié)力，共對(duì)氣候變化。雖然我國(guó)軍方高層領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人都認(rèn)為《海洋法公約》的通過(guò)會(huì)提高我國(guó)的國(guó)家安全，但 如果我們無(wú)法確保美國(guó)參議院通過(guò)該公約，我們也就無(wú)法解決中國(guó)南海問(wèn)題。這都不是領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，是退縮；不是強(qiáng)大，是軟弱。這與羅斯福，杜魯門(mén)，艾森豪威爾，肯尼 迪等領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的風(fēng)格截然相反。

　　I believe in American exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions.(Applause.)

　　我對(duì)美國(guó)例外主義深信不疑。但讓我們例外的并不是美國(guó)通過(guò)實(shí)際行動(dòng)重申國(guó)際準(zhǔn)則與國(guó)際法，而是我們?cè)敢馔ㄟ^(guò)實(shí)際行動(dòng)彰顯這些國(guó)際準(zhǔn)則。（掌聲）

　　And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo, because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. (Applause.) That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. (Applause.) America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost; we stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere -- which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity.

　　這是我堅(jiān)持推進(jìn)關(guān)閉關(guān)塔那摩監(jiān)獄的原因，美國(guó)價(jià)值觀(guān)與法律傳統(tǒng)不容許在美國(guó)境外無(wú)限期關(guān)押人員。（掌聲）這是我們近來(lái)限制美國(guó)情報(bào)收集與使用方式的原因，如果美國(guó)一意孤行，繼續(xù)監(jiān)控普通民眾的話(huà)，美國(guó)的合作伙伴勢(shì)必會(huì)減少，效率勢(shì)必會(huì)更為低下。（掌聲）美國(guó)并不支持不惜任何代價(jià)維護(hù)穩(wěn)定或消除沖突；我們支持擁護(hù)唯有機(jī)遇與自由可以為世界各國(guó)人民帶來(lái)的更為持久的和平。這是我要談的美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量的第四個(gè)、也是最后一個(gè)要素，那就是我們?cè)笧槿祟?lèi)尊嚴(yán)而努力奮斗。

　　America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism; it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror.

　　美國(guó)對(duì)民主與人權(quán)的主張勝過(guò)對(duì)理想主義的追求；這是關(guān)乎國(guó)家安全的大計(jì)。民主國(guó)家是美國(guó)最親密的盟友，民主國(guó)家絕不可能走向戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。基于自由開(kāi)放的經(jīng)濟(jì)體發(fā)揮著更加積極的作用，也逐漸成為我國(guó)產(chǎn)品的目的市場(chǎng)。尊重人權(quán)有利于改善動(dòng)蕩局勢(shì)，緩和不滿(mǎn)情緒，遏制暴力及恐怖的滋生。

　　A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. The cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares.

　　新世紀(jì)早已到來(lái)，暴政卻還未終結(jié)。不幸地，在一些國(guó)家，包括美國(guó)的伙伴國(guó)家在內(nèi)，鎮(zhèn)壓依然存在于公民社會(huì)中。腐敗的毒瘤養(yǎng)富了政府官員及其裙帶密友，但也激怒了全國(guó)各地的普通民眾。

　　And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab world, it’s easy to be cynical. But remember that because of America’s efforts -- because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance, as well as the sacrifices of our military -- more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab world reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance.

　　想想這些現(xiàn)實(shí)潮流，想想阿拉伯世界的暴力動(dòng)亂，我們很容易變得憤世嫉俗。但要記住，是美國(guó)的努力奮斗，美國(guó)的外交政策，美國(guó)的對(duì)外援助，還有美國(guó)軍人的無(wú)私奉獻(xiàn)，使得更多人在民選政府的管理之下安居樂(lè)業(yè)，這在歷史上無(wú)可比擬?？萍假x予公民社會(huì)更多權(quán)利，這也是鐵臂金剛所控制不了的。得益于科技新突破，千百萬(wàn)人擺脫貧困。甚至是阿拉伯世界的動(dòng)亂也反映了人們對(duì)動(dòng)蕩獨(dú)裁秩序的摒棄，也產(chǎn)生了對(duì)一個(gè)更為有求必應(yīng)的更有效率政府管理的長(zhǎng)期愿景。

　　In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests, from peace treaties to Israel to shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded.

　　在埃及這樣的國(guó)家，我們承認(rèn)從和平條約到與以色列共同對(duì)抗暴力極端主義等安全利益方面，我們的關(guān)系停滯不前。我們沒(méi)有切斷與埃及新政府的往來(lái)合作，但我們有能力，也會(huì)堅(jiān)持推進(jìn)埃及人民要求的各項(xiàng)改革措施。

　　And meanwhile, look at a country like Myanmar, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States. Forty million people. Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once- closed society; a movement by Myanmar leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies.

　　同時(shí)，再看看緬甸，僅僅幾年前還是頑固獨(dú)裁之地，還對(duì)美國(guó)持?jǐn)硨?duì)態(tài)度。多虧四千萬(wàn)緬甸人的巨大勇氣，多虧美國(guó)主動(dòng)開(kāi)啟的外交之旅，多虧美國(guó)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量的共同作用，我們看到了可喜的政治變革，看到了一個(gè)曾經(jīng)閉關(guān)的社會(huì)重新開(kāi)放；緬甸領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人避與朝鮮合作，為的是實(shí)現(xiàn)與美國(guó)及美國(guó)同盟更好的交流往來(lái)。

　　We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but if Myanmar succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot -- American leadership.

　　現(xiàn)在，通過(guò)投資援助、公開(kāi)批評(píng)與感召勸服，我們支持緬甸改革、支持緬甸人民渴望的民族和解。發(fā)展進(jìn)程可能會(huì)倒退逆轉(zhuǎn)，如果不費(fèi)一兵一卒，如果緬甸取得成功，我們也就多了個(gè)合作伙伴，這就是美國(guó)的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力量。

　　In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. That’s why we form alliances -- not only with governments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment. We are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’re strengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people and women and girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. (Applause.)

　　任何時(shí)候我們不能指望改變一蹴而就。所以我們必須結(jié)盟，不僅與政府結(jié)盟，也與普通民眾結(jié)成盟友。與其他國(guó)家不同，美國(guó)從不畏懼個(gè)人力量，而是從中汲取能量。公民社會(huì)，自由輿論，創(chuàng)業(yè)人才，小型企業(yè)，教育交流以及針對(duì)全社會(huì)面向婦女兒童敞開(kāi)的機(jī)會(huì)之門(mén)無(wú)一不是我們的力量之源。這就是美國(guó)人，這才是美國(guó)夢(mèng)。

　　I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market to feed populations once endangered by famine. We aim to double access to electricity in sub- Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict.

　　去年的非洲之行讓我看到美國(guó)向非洲伸出援手，治病救人，使得一代非洲人遠(yuǎn)離艾滋的愿景成為可能。我們幫助當(dāng)?shù)剞r(nóng)民銷(xiāo)售農(nóng)產(chǎn)品，令倍受饑荒折磨的人們不再挨餓。我們?yōu)槿龉阅系姆侵薜貐^(qū)帶去光明，讓全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的累累碩果惠及當(dāng)?shù)匕傩铡Ｈ绱艘粊?lái)，既催生了新的合作伙伴，也搗毀了恐怖主義與暴力沖突的溫床。

　　Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram -- the group that kidnapped those girls.

　　遺憾的是，目前美國(guó)安全行動(dòng)還未能根除由極端組織帶來(lái)的威脅，例如綁架女童的博科圣地（Boko Haram）。

　　And that’s we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. They understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought -- something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It is part of what makes us strong.

　　我們要做的不僅是解救被困女童，還應(yīng)支持尼日利亞發(fā)展青年教育事業(yè)。我們?cè)谝晾伺c阿富汗的寶貴經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明美軍已成為外交與發(fā)展最強(qiáng)勁的倡導(dǎo)者。戰(zhàn)士們都明白對(duì)外援助并非事后諸葛亮，而是和國(guó)防及國(guó)土安全一樣不可偏廢的崇高事業(yè)。我們也因此變得強(qiáng)大。

　　Now, ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency, but American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters, where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in the direction of justice. And we cannot do that without you.

　　現(xiàn)在，最后我要說(shuō)引領(lǐng)全球的使命要求我們直視這個(gè)充滿(mǎn)危險(xiǎn)與動(dòng)蕩的世界。除了未雨綢繆，防患于未然，我們別無(wú)選擇，但這并不妨礙我們勾畫(huà)未來(lái)世界的藍(lán)圖——人人心懷希望，凡事不再畏懼，讓寫(xiě)入憲章的真理引領(lǐng)我們?cè)谕ㄍx的大道上勇往直前。這一切就看你們的了。

　　Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service, you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts.

　　各位2014屆畢業(yè)生，過(guò)去的你們是哈德遜河畔（西點(diǎn)軍校所在地）的學(xué)子，而今后離開(kāi)象牙塔的你們將承載這份榮耀延續(xù)美國(guó)軍隊(duì)的輝煌。作為部隊(duì)的一員，每一位履行職責(zé)的你們終將匯聚成美國(guó)武裝部隊(duì)，因?yàn)樵谶@一過(guò)程中，你們實(shí)際上是在同外交官與發(fā)展專(zhuān)家并肩作戰(zhàn)。

　　You’ll get to know allies and train partners. And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world.

　　你們將結(jié)識(shí)盟友，培養(yǎng)搭檔，用你們的實(shí)際行動(dòng)告訴世界對(duì)美國(guó)來(lái)說(shuō)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)世界意味著什么。

　　Next week I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot.

　　下周，我將參加諾曼底登陸70周年紀(jì)念活動(dòng)。盡管許多美國(guó)人難以對(duì)諾曼底號(hào)船員的魄力與責(zé)任感感同身受，但是你們可以。在西點(diǎn)軍校，愛(ài)國(guó)者的形象由你們來(lái)塑造。

　　Three years ago Gavin White graduated from this academy. He then served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family and the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point. And he developed a simple goal. Today his sister Morgan will graduate. And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. (Cheers, applause.)

　　3年前，加文-懷特（Gavin White）從西點(diǎn)畢業(yè)，前往阿富汗服役。和每一位投身阿富汗前線(xiàn)的士兵一樣，加文背井離鄉(xiāng)，幫助素未謀面的當(dāng)?shù)厝?，為了軍?duì)，家人和美國(guó)人民的利益不辭勞苦。加文在一次戰(zhàn)斗中不幸失去一條腿。去年我在沃爾特-里德(Walter Reed)陸軍醫(yī)療中心見(jiàn)過(guò)他。盡管負(fù)了傷，他仍然像剛進(jìn)西點(diǎn)時(shí)一樣，不忘初心，并且立下另一個(gè)志愿。 今天，他的妹妹摩根（Morgan）也將從這里畢業(yè)。加文終于能夠兌現(xiàn)當(dāng)初的承諾，和妹妹互敬軍禮。

　　We have been through a long season of war. We have faced trials that were not foreseen and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character, that will always triumph.

　　我們經(jīng)歷了戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的洗禮，經(jīng)受過(guò)突如其來(lái)的考驗(yàn)，開(kāi)辟出前進(jìn)的道路。但是有一樣?xùn)|西烙在加文的骨子里，鐫刻在美國(guó)人與生俱來(lái)的品質(zhì)中，使得我們所向披靡。

　　Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Your charge now is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. As your commander in chief, I know you will. May God bless you. May God bless our men and women in uniform. And may God bless the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)

　　你們心系祖國(guó)人民，離開(kāi)西點(diǎn)。你們代表的是一個(gè)歷經(jīng)風(fēng)雨，躊躇滿(mǎn)志的美國(guó)。你們的使命不僅是保家衛(wèi)國(guó)，更是伸張正義。身為最高統(tǒng)帥，我對(duì)你們充滿(mǎn)信心。愿上帝保佑你們，保佑美國(guó)公民，保佑美利堅(jiān)合眾國(guó)。