我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想段落劃分
我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想段落劃分
《我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想》(I have a dream)是馬丁·路德·金于1963年8月28日在華盛頓林肯紀(jì)念堂發(fā)表的著名演講，內(nèi)容主要關(guān)于黑人民族平等。對(duì)美國(guó)甚至世界影響很大，被我國(guó)編入中學(xué)教程。下面是學(xué)習(xí)啦小編給大家整理的我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想段落劃分，供大家閱讀!
我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想段落劃分
第一部分(1 )回顧。以形象生動(dòng)的語(yǔ)言闡述了此次游行的起因和目的，肯定《解放黑奴宣言》的重大意義。
第二部分(2—16)揭示黑人生活的現(xiàn)狀，抨擊美國(guó)社會(huì)黑暗的一面，提出自已正當(dāng)?shù)囊?。?ldquo;揭露事實(shí)”“諷刺許諾”“提出要求”“提醒當(dāng)局”“講究策略”“表明決心”。
第三部分(17到結(jié)尾)，作者連用六個(gè)“我夢(mèng)想有一天”，正面表達(dá)了對(duì)自由和平等的渴望，抒發(fā)了他作為一個(gè)黑人內(nèi)心最熱烈的夢(mèng)想。(展望前途，前途是光明的，勝利一定能夠到來(lái)。)
我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想中文
今天，我高興地同大家一起參加這次將成為我國(guó)歷史上為爭(zhēng)取自由而舉行的最偉大的示威集會(huì)。
100年前，一位偉大的美國(guó)人--今天我們就站在他象征性的身影下--簽署了《解放黑奴宣言》。這項(xiàng)重要法令的頒布，對(duì)于千百萬(wàn)灼烤于非正義殘焰中的黑奴，猶如帶來(lái)希望之光的碩大燈塔，恰似結(jié)束漫漫長(zhǎng)夜禁錮的歡暢黎明。
然而100年后的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒(méi)有得到自由這一悲慘的事實(shí)。100年后的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨。100年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中一個(gè)窮困的孤島上。100年后的今天，黑人仍然蜷縮在美國(guó)社會(huì)的角落里，并且意識(shí)到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們?cè)谶@里集會(huì)，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸世人。
就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現(xiàn)諾言而匯集到我們國(guó)家的首都來(lái)的。我們共和國(guó)的締造者草擬憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時(shí)，曾向每一個(gè)美國(guó)人許下了諾言，他們承諾所有人--不論白人還是黑人--都享有不可讓渡的生存權(quán)、自由權(quán)和追求幸福權(quán)。
就有色公民而論，美國(guó)顯然沒(méi)有實(shí)踐她的諾言。美國(guó)沒(méi)有履行這項(xiàng)神圣的義務(wù)，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子后便退了回來(lái)。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經(jīng)破產(chǎn)，我們不相信，在這個(gè)國(guó)家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)之庫(kù)里已沒(méi)有足夠的儲(chǔ)備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現(xiàn)——這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義保障。
我們來(lái)到這個(gè)圣地也是為了提醒美國(guó)，現(xiàn)在是非常急迫的時(shí)刻。現(xiàn)在絕非奢談冷靜下來(lái)或服用漸進(jìn)主義的鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候?，F(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主的諾言時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機(jī)會(huì)之門的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)在是把我們的國(guó)家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來(lái)，置于兄弟情誼的磐石上的時(shí)候。
如果美國(guó)忽視時(shí)間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么，這對(duì)美國(guó)來(lái)說(shuō)，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來(lái)，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會(huì)過(guò)去。1963年并不意味著斗爭(zhēng)的結(jié)束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒氣就會(huì)滿足;如果國(guó)家安之若素，毫無(wú)反應(yīng)，這些人必會(huì)大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的基本權(quán)利，美國(guó)就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來(lái)，叛亂的旋風(fēng)就將繼續(xù)動(dòng)搖這個(gè)國(guó)家的基礎(chǔ)。
但是對(duì)于等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說(shuō)的。在爭(zhēng)取合法地位的過(guò)程中，我們不要采取錯(cuò)誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對(duì)自由的渴望而抱著敵對(duì)和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們斗爭(zhēng)時(shí)必須永遠(yuǎn)舉止得體，紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內(nèi)容的抗議蛻變?yōu)楸┝π袆?dòng)。我們要不斷地升華到以精神力量對(duì)付物質(zhì)力量的崇高境界中去。
現(xiàn)在黑人社會(huì)充滿著了不起的新的戰(zhàn)斗精神，但是不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因?yàn)槲覀兊脑S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到，他們的命運(yùn)與我們的命運(yùn)是緊密相連的，他們今天參加游行集會(huì)就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關(guān)的。我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。
當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證向前進(jìn)。我們不能倒退。現(xiàn)在有人問(wèn)熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的人，“你們什么時(shí)候才能滿足?”
只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。
只要我們?cè)谕獗疾ǘ７Φ纳碥|不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城里的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。
只要黑人的基本活動(dòng)范圍只是從少數(shù)民族聚居的小貧民區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)移到大貧民區(qū)，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。
只要我們的孩子被“僅限白人”的標(biāo)語(yǔ)剝奪自我和尊嚴(yán)，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。
只要密西西比州仍然有一個(gè)黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個(gè)黑人認(rèn)為他投票無(wú)濟(jì)于事，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。
不!我們現(xiàn)在并不滿足，我們將來(lái)也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶涌澎湃，滾滾而來(lái)。
我并非沒(méi)有注意到，參加今天集會(huì)的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨，有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房，有些由于尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，并在警察暴行的旋風(fēng)中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長(zhǎng)期受難者。堅(jiān)持下去吧，要堅(jiān)決相信，忍受不應(yīng)得的痛苦是一種贖罪。
讓我們回到密西西比去，回到亞拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來(lái)納去，回到佐治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區(qū)和少數(shù)民族居住區(qū)去，要心中有數(shù)，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。
我們不要陷入絕望而不可自拔。朋友們，今天我對(duì)你們說(shuō)，在此時(shí)此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想，這個(gè)夢(mèng)想深深扎根于美國(guó)的夢(mèng)想之中。
我夢(mèng)想有一天，這個(gè)國(guó)家會(huì)站立起來(lái)，真正實(shí)現(xiàn)其信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為真理是不言而喻，人人生而平等。”
我夢(mèng)想有一天，在佐治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。
我夢(mèng)想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個(gè)正義匿跡，壓迫成風(fēng)，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。
我夢(mèng)想有一天，我的四個(gè)孩子將在一個(gè)不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優(yōu)劣來(lái)評(píng)價(jià)他們的國(guó)度里生活。
今天，我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。我夢(mèng)想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管該州州長(zhǎng)現(xiàn)在仍然滿口異議，反對(duì)聯(lián)邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并進(jìn)。
今天，我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。
我夢(mèng)想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降;坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，滿照人間。
這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能從絕望之嶺劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能把這個(gè)國(guó)家刺耳的爭(zhēng)吵聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優(yōu)美交響曲。
有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起斗爭(zhēng)，一起坐牢，一起維護(hù)自由;因?yàn)槲覀冎溃K有一天，我們是會(huì)自由的。
在自由到來(lái)的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：“我的祖國(guó)，美麗的自由之鄉(xiāng)，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個(gè)山崗。”
如果美國(guó)要成為一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家，這個(gè)夢(mèng)想必須實(shí)現(xiàn)!
讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨的崇山峻嶺響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從賓夕法尼亞州的阿勒格尼山響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的落基山響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來(lái)!
不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲從佐治亞州的石嶺響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從田納西州的瞭望山響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來(lái)!
讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來(lái)!
當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲響起，讓自由之聲從每一個(gè)大小村莊、每一個(gè)州和每一個(gè)城市響起來(lái)時(shí)，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來(lái)，那時(shí)，上帝的所有兒女，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手?jǐn)y手，合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：
“自由啦!自由啦!感謝全能上帝，我們終于自由啦!”
我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想英文原文
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "for whites only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jarring discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that.
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
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